Doctor Mana Ghanem in a-Thara: - Figure - News

Doctor Mana Ghanem in a-Thara: Exclusive Interview for a-Thara 19-6-2010 “I do not believe that work towards elimiating restrictions on the Sedaw Agreement is a Syrian priority which has not advanced the special United Nations strategy for women over the past 5 years.” Even after she took over as head of the Syrian Association for Womens’ Affairs Dr. Mana Ghanem continued to chose her words carefuly, avoiding ignighting a furory and retaining her diplomatic approach. She doesn’t anger her friends or inspire their resentment either! Dr. Ghanem attempts, with intelligence and wisdom, to maintain her neutrality. She is a former government official and does not shirk any of the responsibilitities this brings - an approach perhaps ingrained in her during her time as a feminist activist. She doesn’t waver in defending the causes she represents when pressed and her stance on the two drafts of the Personal Status law is evidence of this. A-Thara met with Dr. Ghanem and what follows is some of what passed in the long conversation with her: -Let us begin wih the duality of your work in the service of the cause of women in Syria, and I mean here by duality that you have worked as the head of the Syrian Association for Womens’ Affairs and before and after this in you maintained links to your work as an independent activist. Have you ever jumbled your priorities? And is there a certain synergy between the two areas or, as some people imagine, are these two aspects of your work contradictory? - Firstly, faith in womens’ rights does not differ from place to place. However when you are within government you posess the tools for action, and due to the nature of the situation you are closer to the centre of decision making. Secondly, you wield a greater power to persuade and to promote he cause. To a certain extent, this also pervades work in UN organisations. As for independent work, or work as part of NGOs your are deprived of these tools, your influence dwindles and the effectuation of change on behalf of women becomes rife with dificulties, especially in the shadow of far from ideal conditions like the absence of a siutable law for organisations to allow the propagation of strong, active groups and the lack of opportunity for financing these groups. I do not believe that there is a contradiction between governmental and non-governmental involvement, on the contrary, the role of non-governmental action is one that supports government, especially given that the government has stated the importance of this role by means of its ‘Plan Fifteen’. -How would you summarise for us your understanding of the Association when you worked for it? - It is incumbent upon the Association to play a role in the effectuation of positive change, placing the issue of the family as a priority within government and related think-tanks. Similarly the relationship between goevernment and society becomes a reference for the government in everything concerning the issue of the Syrian family, just as it assumes the coordination of governemental and non-governmental parties. There was an acting representative of feminist organisations within the Syrian Association of which I am speaking. -In a brief outline of your work as the first female head of the Syrian Association, what did you achieve? and what didn’t you achieve during this period? Is it correct that the association is currently completing plans and studies for which you laid the foundations during your time as its head? - In reality there were a number of plans and programs which we strove to implement. Perhaps the most important of those programs realised by the Association, in cooperation with media and the non-governmental sector, was breaking down the wall of silence surrounding violence against women, especially honour killings. Among the important issues which we worked on was the National Plan for the Protection of Children Against Violence and the National Plan for the Protection of Women Against Violence, the first draft of the Personal Status Law and the drawing up of the Law for Organisations. There was also the National Strategy for Citizens which was instated before the High National Commitee of Citizens. Regarding acheivements, well that can’t be attributed to the Association alone, but was dependent on the conlfluence and execution of a number of general conditions, among them the promotion of the Sidou Agreement. When violence against women ceased to be a tabboo in our media and the call to draw up a contempoary family law to make the punishment of honour killings fit the crime the 2006 Presidential Decree was published, hightening the profile of the discussion of the status of women among ordinary people and bringing the debate to the streets. As far as the second strand of your question is concerned, the continuation of work on the projects which we began is testiment to the existance of foundational work within the Association. This is a positive step in that the Association’s work depends upon institutional strategy and not individual desires, whilst retaining scope for individual innovation and renewal in its executive tools and mechanisms. -There exists the deep-rooted belief that Syria’s provisos on the Sedaw Agreement have rendered the agreement devoid of meaning. To what extend does the Syrian Association consider the continuation of these stipulations a priority? - I believe an imbalance emerged when the Sidou Agreement became an aim. The agreement must be used as a means to realise gains for women and cooperation with one of its aims distorts it from its other goals, making the possibility of its success difficult in Syria. I do not think that work towards the continuation of provisos in itself is a prioirty but what we ought to focus our attention on in my opinion is that Syria, as a member of the international community is obliged to work towards the development of its legislation and modernisation of its laws relating to social justice, which it considers an essential condition in the situation states’ transition to the free market economy, the establishment of social justice, the realisation of citizenship for men and women and the improvment of the status of marginalised young people. -Last year we saw the emergence of legislation dealing with personal status and your rejection of this was clear. Do you think that the Personal Status Law is a struggle between the calls for liberation and secularisation on the one hand and conservative tendencies on the other? and which will attract the most support in your opinion? - I am not inclined to term this a ‘struggle’ but in any society there are apparent contrasting forces but this does not concern the Personal Status Law announced last year. I believe that it is in our collective interests for there to be a contemporary family law appropriate for Syrian society in all its forms. I believe that what is required at present is cohesion - not defeats and victories, that the government must not stop at the projects it has realised or its vision of social justice and the collective future especially when they make progess and important changes like the Personal Status Law. When it appoints a council the members must be varied and represent sectors of Syrian society because what is happening at the moment in the absence of equality and co-ordination is dangerous. Among the justifications for the existance of the Syrian Family Association is that it brings this harmony. But what happened unfortnuately upon the publishing of the first draft of the Personal Status Law was that due to the absence of linked foundations, the declaration establishing the association was destroyed and along with is a role for social organisations like the Womens’ Union, The Syrian Association and the Ministry of Social Affairs and Work. -There is a current withdrawal of feminist activities seen through the diminshment of femisist activism in meetings, lectures etc. What is the reason for this in your opinion? - I think that there is a state of repose following the failure to pass the draft of the Personal Status Law and that this explains the situation of withdrawal that we are now discussing. Just as it is necessary to be realistic when we discuss the activities of feminist groups we must bear in mind that we are not Morocco or Egypt and that naturally, the activities of these organisations are restricted for a reason. -In your opinion, what will be the future elements of feminist activism on which we must focus? - Syrian women continue to be incomplete citizens and are still treated as objects to be posessed through marriage regardless of her achievments in general life. Perhaps the most important of the demands which I consider pressing and important is a woman’s right to pass her nationality onto her child. One ought to consider Syrian women and how they are always treated as mens’ inferiors in their own country and homeland. Similarly, it is always necessary to look at the worth and achievments of women in order to discover that it is easy to take the necessary steps to advance the postion of Syrian women in a way that is appropriate to the historical, political and social context. -How do you see the reality of feminist civil societies at present? Is there a vision for them? - There are no strong civil organisations working in the domain of womens’ rights as is the case in Egypt and Morocoo and elswewhere Perhaps this is due to the absence suitable legislation and funding. As for the initiatives of feminst activism, they exist but are weak and unable to resort to government assistance in progressing the role of women in society. But I believe that this era is temporary as its progress is dictated by history and social evolution in the context of the integration of government action and non-governmental action and the advancement of women. Moreover, we have the Saudi experience to draw upon as a model to inspire hope that despite obstacles Saudi women have succeeded in achieving relative, gradual progress. -Why was the ‘Ishtar’ website stopped only a short time after it inauguration? - The Ishtar website is an ambitious one but is in need of a number of changes, the most important of which being full-time work, which is difficult given my personal situation but I am still holding onto it and hope to re-open it in the future. -How do you view international efforts concerning the status of women? - There is, in my opinion, the United Nations has failed the cause of women. Since 1995 no international summit on this issue has convened, which indicates that women are not on the international agenda despite the gravity of the challenges they face. In the same way, the sum total of the goals of the 3rd millenium do not include any concerned with women. Syria has not progressed the UN special strategy for women over the past five years. This all means that there is no international momentum and that the international administration is incompetent in its treatment of the cause. e -What have you learned from your experiences? And what do you hope for in the times ahead? - I believe that the most important thing I have accomplished through my work with Syrian feminist activities is solidarity in the face of ideological and religious differences and a weak sphere for action. This solidarity about which I learned through my experiences of work in the UN and the Syrian Family Association is governed only by faith in the shared cause and a sense of national belonging. As for the future, I hope that there will be a second convention in the 3rd Millenium which will witness legislative and social revolution to reform the status of women and the family - in the same way that the 1st session was a legislative and economic revolution. Syrian women deserve better. Thara E- Magazine No. 238 ,19/6/2010 Reproduction permitted with appropriate citation

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